1914-1919+the+war+to+end


 * //World Wars//**
 * //American History//**
 * //Mr. Sontheimer//**

Throughout the 20th century the world has been torn apart by wars. Unlike previous conflicts these “modern” wars involved more nations, took advantage of the technological improvements related to the Industrial Revolution, and engulfed the entire populations of the combatant nations. We are going to examine both the First and Second World Wars at the same time to find the common themes and differences that characterized each conflict.

Helpful Timeline with Links….Copy into your Wikispace world war 2 page 1914 June 28th - [|Assassination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand] August 1st- Germany Declares War on Russia October 29th – [|Trench Warfare] becomes dominant on Western Front 1915 May 7th- [|Lusitania] is sunk by German Submarine [|(U-Boat)] 1916 September 15th- British introduce the [|tank] to the battlefield 1917 January 16th [|Zimmerman Note] February 1st- Germans begin unrestricted submarine warfare April 6th- United States declares war on Germany December 5th- Communist [|Russia] reaches separate peace with Germany General “Black” Jack Pershing leads the first of 1.8 Million American Soldiers 1918 October 4th- Germany asks for Armistice (cease fire) November 11th- Armistice is signed bring an end to the fighting [|World Wide Influenza epidemic] 1919 June 28th- [|Treaty of Versailles] is signed with the League of Nations 1921 [|Extreme inflation] hits German economy as they pay reparations 1922 [|Mussolini] and his followers march on Rome 1923 [|Hitler] launches a failed coup in Bavaria writes =//Mein Kampf//= 1929 Stock Market Collapse in United States marking the beginning of Depression 1933 Hitler becomes chancellor of Germany March 12th First [|Concentration Camp] Opened 1934 June 30th [|Night of the Long Knives] 1937 December 13th [|Rape of Nanking] 1939 March 15th Nazis take Czechoslovakia through [|appeasement] September 1st Invasion of Poland using the [|Blitzkrieg] 1940 June 22nd France force to sign armistice with Germany September Beginning of the [|Blitz] 1941 June 22nd [|Germany attacks Soviet Union] a strategic mistake December 7th Japanese attack [|Pearl Harbor] drawing the United States into war 1942 September 13th Battle of [|Stalingrad] a key turning point of the War June 4th [|Battle of Midway] another key turning point of the War 1943 [|Battle of the Atlantic] Climaxes with many sinkings 1944 June 6th [|Normandy Landings] Americans in France August 25th [|Paris Liberated] December 16-27 [|Battle of the Bulge] Last German offensive of the War 1945 Feb 13th [|Dresden Firebombed] Many civilians are targeted by allies. April 28th Mussolini Hanged April 30th Hilter commits suicide May 7th German’s Surrender August 6th First Atomic bomb used on [|Hiroshima] September 2 [|Japanese] Surrender October 4th United Nations formed

World War I Alliances Triple Entente France Russia England USA

Triple Alliance Germany Austria-Hungarian Empire Ottoman Empire

World War II Alliances Axis Powers Germany Japan Italy

Allied Powers Great Britain United States Soviet Union France*

Your Project!

In **each** of the following categories you will research and explain ONE critical point from each category. You must support and illustrate your answer with FOUR PICTURES and ONE OTHER PRIMARY SOURCE. Your answer and evidence must connect and cover the First and Second World Wars. You may submit an answer in one of the following formats. 1.) Microsoft Word Document with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources on one page. 2.) Wikispaces page(s) on your account with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources arranged in a way that completes the assignment. Please place a link to your page on the class wikispace so I can go visit yours!


 * Why these Wars Matter! **

· // New technologies changed how war was waged Old techniques of fighting were decidedly ineffective against new tools. (chart the changes that armies made in how they fight ie. trenches vs. movement) // · // Developments in weapons extended their range and effectiveness. (examine the improvements made to a weapon of your choice through both wars ie. The tank) // · // Destructive capability increased so much that weapons became almost unusable because of their power.(Look at some of the most ghastly moments in both wars and make comparisons about the weapons that brought them about ie. Somme vs. Dresden //
 * T echnology **-Both conflicts featured many new inventions and weapons that were developed and improved throughout the first half of the twentieth century. These inventions included ** tanks, aircraft, submarines, better communications devices, radar, sonar, and many more **. The introduction many of the inventions prompted improvements and innovations that continue through today.
 * Critical Points ** - [[image:93883778 width="119" height="94" caption="subinworkwar1.jpg"]] [[image:93884138 width="135" height="105" caption="subinworldwar2.jpg"]] [[image:93884322 width="99" height="96" caption="subworldwar2.jpg"]] [[image:93884570 width="140" height="77" caption="subworldwar12.jpg"]]

 =     = The stories of a number  of survivors  of the December 7,  1 94  1 bombing of Hickam Air Force Base. “It was in terest  in g. For ten days just before the attack, the base was on full alert. It seemed as though they were expect in g someth  in g to happen. No one was allowed to leave the base dur in g this alert. The Saturday before the bombing attack, the alert was lifted. Saturday night a wealthy Japanese banker held a big party for the of ficers at the  of ficer’s club. As I look back on it, it seems as if it were all planned in advance.” Jessie Reed Seyle Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed

“We had been on Alert for two weeks but that was called of f on December 6,  1 94  1. That night be in g a Saturday we went up to Wheeler Field to visit some friends  of ours  in the  1 9th Fighter Squadron, who had also been on Alert. We had long talked about the reason for the Alert and were agreed that if we went to war it would be with the Russians. We returned home late that night and at about five to eight AM we heard a loud explosion com in g from Pearl Harbor way. I got up and looked out the shades and saw that one of the large oil storage tanks at Pearl was puff  in g out a lot  of black smoke. I told my wife it looked like it might have leaked and exploded. Just then a plane came over shoot in g its guns and so low I could see it was a Zero with the Ris  in g Sun on it. I said to my wife. “get up we are at war ”. I could then hear a number of bullets bounc  in g  of f our tile ro  of. By then we could hear and see the havoc tak in g place at Pearl which was only about 5,600 yards away. Dur in g this time our friend at Wheeler Field called to say they were be  in g attacked and that she had been shot at while go  in g to a friends to use the phone”. Wallace S. Mart in Jr. Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron Liv in g at the corner  of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field

“Once out of the hall, I became a  war e  of the boom  in g noise com  in g from the direction  of Pearl Harbor. I attached no special significance to the noise, s in ce there was frequent gunnery and  bombing practice  in the area. I paused momentarily to watch aircraft that were circl in g over Pearl Harbor. As I watched, one aircraft banked sharply to the right reveal in g a red disk on the underside  of the w  in g. At that moment the awful truth dawned on me; Pearl Harbor was be in g attacked by Japanese aircraft! It soon became evident that Pearl Harbor was not to be the only target.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron

“ It was early in the morn  in g, when three  of us, who had breakfast, were sitt  in g around on one  of the fellows bed, talk  in g about th  in gs  in general. We heard an airplane fly over very low mak  in g a loud eng  in e noise. One of the fellows said “ It looks like the Navy is practic  in g dive  bombing aga  in ”. In less than a m in ute later, we heard the same  airplane sound then an explosion. S in ce the explosion was unusual, we all walked outside to see what was go  in g on. We passed through the doors of W  in g E and were stand  in g on the stair land  in g, look  in g to  war d W  in g F. A bomb hit Hangar #7, and exploded. The concussion of the blast blew the three  of us  of f the land  in g and  in to a prickly cactus plant. As we got up, one of the fellows said “ What the Hell is go  in g on?” Immediately we heard the squadron First Sergeant yell  in g, “ Everybody out, the Dam Japs are bombing us.” We ran onto the street and short distant away was the Parade Grounds where everyone thought they would not bomb us there. As I was half way across the Parade Grounds, a Japanese plane flew over very low with the pilot and rear gunner quite visible. The Ris in g Sun  In signia was very pla  in ly visible on the side  of the  airplane. The Parade Ground began to fill up with men com in g out  of the barracks, some  of them only had their underwear on. Immediately a Japanese plane came down and started to strafe the Parade Grounds. Men were fall in g and runn  in g  in all directions with me head  in g for the new wooden barracks across the way. I stayed there for a short time watch in g some men shoot  in g at the Japanese planes with 45 caliber pistols. I left the area to return to the large barracks as I worked in the Supply Room. On my way back, I walked to war d the Hangar L  in e want  in g to see the  airplane s that were burn  in g. I stopped and turned back to my orig in al dest  in ation. At the same time, a flight of high level bombers came over and bombed us aga  in. I ran to war d the large barracks th  in k  in g they may be safer. I was later told that I had just left. Some men were killed because of the spl  in ters that flew around when the bombs exploded. From then on, it was known as Spl in ter City. I returned to the large barracks and reported to the supply room. The supply sergeant told me to get busy and start pass in g out rifles and ammunition to the men from our squadron. While in the supply room, another wave  of bombers came over and a bomb exploded between W  in g E and F, shak  in g the build  in g. With in a m  in ute, a person came runn  in g  in say  in g “ I need some help, the Lieutenant has been hit”. I went with him to the Mess Hall and we picked up Lt. Malcolm J. Brummwell ( Lt. Crittenden), our Squadron Adjutant. We carried him to the supply room and laid him on the counter. He was bleed in g across the chest and moaned from the pa  in. At this time, there were about five people in the supply room and one called the hospital for an ambulance. In a short time it came to the front of the build  in g and we were told to br  in g the Lieutenant out. We slid him of f the counter and he fell to  war d me. Another fellow and I carried the in jured Lieutenant to the ambulance and laid him on a stretcher. The driver and another fellow slid him in and they turned to  war d me. The driver, th in k  in g I was wounded also because  of all the blood on my shirt, said “Take it easy now and get  in to the ambulance”. I said there is noth in g wrong with me. He replied, “ I know, I know” and began to force me in side where the Lieutenant was ly  in g. I went in to the vehicle, crawled over the driver’s seat and went out through the door. As I walked away from the ambulance, the driver, th in k  in g I was  in shock, began chas  in g me yell  in g for me to come back. He soon gave up, return in g to the ambulance and drove the  in jured man to the hospital. We later learned that he died from the in juries he received  in the chest. As I returned to the supply room, an in jured soldier was sitt  in g with his back aga  in st the wall near the stairs. He said, “Please help me”. His abdomen was bleed in g badly and his trousers were soaked with blood. I looked at him and said “I’ll get you some water”. As I ran in to the build  in g, to  war d the water founta  in, I noticed I had noth  in g to put the water  in. Runn in g  in to the supply room, I asked for a mess cup or anyth  in g to get the  in jured man some water. Pick in g up a cup, I filled it with water and ran out only to see the man be  in g taken away on a stretcher. The ro of of the barracks was burn  in g, there was smoke everywhere and the smell  of burnt power  in the air. The airplane s on the hangar l  in e were burn  in g, there was debris and dirt from the bombs scattered everywhere. I turned and saw a man from our squadron named Bernard Mulcahy. He looked at me and said, “Bernie, I can’t believe what is happen in g”. He replied, It’s happen in g, you know Bill, we lived more  in the past two hours than we did  in our last n  in eteen years. We both walked back in to the build  in g which was gett  in g thick with smoke from the build  in g ro  of. I had a 45 caliber pistol in the supply room and picked it up along with a belt and three clips  of ammunition. There was talk around about another raid and an in vasion. We walked in to the mess hall and it was a shambles. Someone mentioned that we would have to move in to the mounta  in s and fight  of f the Japanese. In vasion talk was everywhere, our Squadron was scattered all around. It was obvious we could not use the barracks because of the smoke and burn  in g odor. As we walked away from the mess hall, I noticed someone brought out a five gallon pail of Marasch  in o Cherries  in syrup, and several five pound packages  of American Cheese. Th in k  in g we would have to go to the mounta  in s to fight, we both took a piece  of the cheese and I placed two handfuls  of the syrupy cherries  in my pocket. I picked up my steel helmet and began walk in g away from the barracks. Everyone was walk in g around try  in g to f  in d people from their outfit. In the entire afternoon, I do not recall meet in g anyone from our squadron. As it began to get dark, I ran in to a cook stand  in g outside a wooden build  in g. He said I should stay around until the next day. There was a cot in the build  in g and I would have someth  in g to eat. I did, and while ly in g on the cot, I had the 45 pistol near my head ready for any Japanese that came by. The follow in g day I found a few  of our men and they told me we were regroup  in g  in the school house near the water tower. As I went there, I met more people from our squadron, picked up a rifle and was assigned to guard duty at the Post Exchange where all the w in dows were blown out by the bombs. We rema in ed  in the schoolhouse build  in g for several days until a new ro  of was be  in g placed on the large barracks. After a short time, we were allowed to return to our orig in al quarters  in W  in g E but could only use the first and second floors. The third floor rema in ed unoccupied.” William Melnyk U.S. Army Air Corp Headquarters Squadron, 1 7th Air Base Group Hickam Field, Hawaii

“The first planes I saw were skimm in g at ro  of top level over our barracks. We could clearly see the ris in g sun on their w  in gs. The pilots and gunners could be seen look in g around. I couldn’t believe that we were be in g assaulted so far from Japan! An Air Force, middle-aged Sergeant came runn in g to  war d us shout  in g for us to take cover and holler  in g out that he was  in World War I and knew what he was talk  in g about. He cried out, “We’re at War ! We’re at War !” The men began to disperse. I made a run for the supply room about 1 0 yards beh  in d the barracks. Sgt. Owen, the Supply Sergeant, slept in side and he was ready to issue equipment, dressed  in his underwear. I was first in l  in e to check-out one  of the dozen or so Spr  in gfield rifles. Owen passed me a rifle, steel helmet, and a bandolier of 30 caliber ammunition. John Strickland and Sanford Garrett were also wait in g for a weapon. Both of these men had previous  in fantry service  in Panama. As I started to rush out in to the melee, Owen called me back and ordered that I read  of f the serial number  of the rifle before gett  in g out. I felt in secure  in side the wooden build  in g, not be  in g able to see the planes com  in g to take evasive action. We had been tra inin g to obey orders so we had no choice but to give serial numbers while expect  in g to be blown to bits any m  in ute. Strickland and Garrett were right along the side of me as we ran outside, where I made an alarm  in g discovery – I did not know how to load the rifle! As an electrician, I had been tra in ed to use a 45 pistol. I had the bolt back try in g to load without success. I shouted to Garrett and Strickland to help me. By now mach in e gun bullets were slamm  in g  in to the area; jagged bomb shrapnel was fall  in g all around us. As I put my helmet on, Strickland held my rifle while Garrett showed me how to force the clip of bullets  in to the magaz  in e. Two years in the Army and I couldn’t load a Spr  in gfield! Although I was reared with rifles and shotguns and fancied myself a crack shot, I simply didn’t know how to get the rounds in the magaz  in e. I’m sure my lesson on the Spr in gfield was the quickest  in military history. Targets were everywhere by now. I leveled at a bank in g “Jap” plane, lead  in g him like I had done quail many times  in the field at home. The rifle jumped as the high-powered shell exploded and went after the “Jap” plane. I quickly got of f the first clip  of five rounds. By now Strickland and Garrett had loaded and three of us kept up steady fir  in g on the planes. How much good we did will never be known, but we had the satisfaction of “fight  in g back”. “I saw the planes straf in g and  bombing the base. I saw them straf in g people who were on the roads. The planes would swoop down so low we could see the pilot’s goggles.”

William F. Rudder Sr.

“ I observed several people set up a mach in e gun at one end  of the Parade Ground. With in a matter  of m  in utes they were knocked out  of action. Another group attempted to get the gun in action and aga  in they were knocked out. The effort of a few brave men to defend the base was doomed from the beg  in n  in g as Japanese aircraft were circl  in g overhead at such altitude as would enable the pilots to observe anyth  in g go  in g on, on base. This, of course, was why the people were unable to get the gun  in action.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.

“S in ce the planes seemed to be approach  in g the end  of the hanger l  in e, I decided to cross the runway to  war d the trees border  in g the field. I had just crossed the runway and started across a taxi strip which had B- 1 8’s l  in ed up w  in g tip to w  in g tip, when a Japanese fighter plane started straf  in g the planes. I stood and watched as B- 1 8 after B-  1 8 caught fire from be  in g hit. I saw someone in a B-  1 8 mov  in g the nose turret and fir  in g at the fighter plane. As the fighter approached, a burst from it’s guns hit the B- 1 8 turret and it exploded. The fighter kept fir in g and swung slightly to  war d me with the bullets hitt  in g the ramp and com  in g straight to  war d where I was ly  in g under the w  in g  of a B-  1 8. Just before they got to me the plane stopped fir in g, pulled up, made  1 80 degree turn, dove down and started straf  in g the B-  1 8’s l  in ed up on an  in tersection taxi strip. I crossed the taxi strip and in to the trees  of f the edge  of the field and stayed there until the raid had ended. I suddenly realized that I had not had any breakfast and was hungry, so I proceeded to the Of ficers Club where someone was pass  in g out sandwiches.” Lee E. Metcalfe

“Lean in g on my right elbow, I cont  in ued to watch a formation  of planes high overhead; then I heard the second explosion. Their flight path would take them over the Big Barracks and over the 1 9th area. I buried my face in the dirt as the third explosion sounded. I wasn’t count in g after that. I was just a war e that each successive explosion was nearer to me than the preced  in g one. Then a deafen in g blast seemed to lift me  of f the ground. That was the last one ! Later I would step of f seventeen paces from where that last bomb hit,  in the middle  of the street, to where I was ly  in g.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.

We rushed out to war d the Post Exchange restaurant  in time to see it blasted. Concrete and fragments were fly in g all around us. A bomb fragment about 1 2  in ches long landed at my feet. It was still smok in g from the heat  of the explod  in g bomb. To our right, the post theater (a big wooden structure) went up in a cloud  of spl  in ters and flames, we had to back up to escape the terrific heat the trade w  in ds pushed  in our faces. I could see cars rush in g  of f the field carry  in g the dependents  of military personnel. It was comfort in g to see women and children be  in g evacuated. William F. Rudder, Sr.

“By now, perhaps 30 to 45 m in utes  in to the attack, Hickam Field seemed to be ablaze. Most of the smoke and flames appeared to be com  in g from the flight l  in e. Pearl Harbor was a mass of smoke and flames”. Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.

“ After the last explosion, I jumped up and turned to run, hop in g to f  in d better shelter before the next bombs fell. As it turned out, that was the last of the  bombing. As I turned. I saw two airmen ly in g face down just a few feet from me. One had both legs severed at the buttocks. His blood had soaked the ground where he lay. The second had a massive head wound. Some object had passed through his head from the left temple area to just above the right ear. His bra in s were ly  in g on the ground. Both were dead.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 st Sgt. 1 9th Transport Squadron

"The men, watch in g from the doorway, applauded us shout  in g, You got him, you got him!” I hoped we did. However, others fired on him as he unloaded over the big barracks and the parade ground. The planE crashed on Fort Kam. About noon I went over to see it. I climbed up on the w  in g, blood was smeared down the w  in g where the pilot was pulled out. I noticed his radio had “Philco” tubes! William F. Rudder, Sr.

"I went on duty at 7:00, maybe a little later, with Irene Boyd. We had six nurses at Hickam; Ann fox was our Chief Nurse, Sally Entrik in, W  in nie Mallett, Kathleen Coberly, and Monica. That’s it. Anyway two were  of f duty and two were on, and we were work  in g A.M. and P.M. dur  in g those days. We had just opened our hospital on November  1 5th. So, we didn’t have mattresses on all  of the beds and were just gett  in g equipped. We had a few patients with cellulitis, and one with pneumonia. "I reported on with Irene and then,  in a little while, we heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and Sgt. Patton was at the desk, the nurse’s desk, ask  in g me for an aspir  in or someth  in g. We both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other, and we said we thought a plane crashed. Then bang! "We ran out on the porch overlook in g the matte, as we called it. It was the parade ground, and the flag was here near the runway. About that time, all hell broke loose. I ran to Irene, and I said, “Oh! Irene,” and she said, What are you all excited about.” About that time, I saw the ris  in g sun on these planes that were fly  in g low, and I said, “My God, Irene. It’s the Japs.” She said. “Oh, Monica, we’re hav  in g maneuvers. You know the fleet is  in, and you saw them last night.” But,  in the meantime, the realization did set  in , and I ran down to see Major Lane who was our C.O at the time. He was on the telephone, and I said, “ Oh, Major Lane. Is it the real McCoy?” He just nodded his head in the affirmative and then I started to get the patients down. "Oh, these were the patients who were com in g  in with limbs  of f, practically dead from hav  in g hemorrhaged. There were just all k  in ds  of wounds and blood and dust from the build  in g that exploded on them. Some had mach  in e gun and bomb fragment wounds. They were just butchered. We were try  in g to relieve their pa  in and their shock. We just went around giv  in g that morph  in e  in those  1 0 c.c. syr  in ges, fill  in g them up from the flask, just go  in g from one to the other. We did try to tag them. Then they would just load them in trucks and ambulances and  of f they would go. They were in terrible condition and may have died. Some were brought in dead, and we put them out at the rear  of the hospital and covered them up. = = = = = = = =

“ We heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and …we both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other … there was a bang! I saw the ris in g sun on the planes. The bombs were gett in g closer and closer .. one 500lb bomb fell on the hospital lawn, …. The whole hospital shook! In a split second someone yelled. “ Down everybody!” and we fell wherever we were, crouch in g, wait  in g for the next m  in ute – the next bomb to kill us all!” 2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps

“Talked to Lt. Monica Conter (nurse here at Hickam). She, nor any of them, had had any rest for over 30 hours. They laid victims on the porch floor for first aid. Many died, even while she was extract in g the hypo needle! The blood actually ran on the floor. She showed me where it came up over the soles on her shoes. Marie (nurse at Tripler) said many came in hold  in g his arm or leg! – completely severed, but hat in g to leave it! Others came with an arm or leg of f; both legs and an arm; and some with all limbs gone! All these fellows were still conscious, and cuss in g the Japs!!” Lt. Philip C. Sprawls

“ In side the hospital, doctors, staff, and volunteers were overwhelmed by the ferocity  of the attack and the number  of wounded flood  in g the facility. "There were only six of us nurses, and we couldn’t possibly beg  in to take care  of all the wounded and dy  in g men. The decision was made to treat patients with first-aid-type care and send them to Tripler General Hospital  in ambulances. Soon there weren’t enough ambulances so the local people drove patients  in their cars”. 2Lt. Sara Entrik  in, Army Nurse Corps

“We ducked under the operat in g tables as the bombs fell, dropp  in g our scalpels. There was no time to change hypodermic needles. This was a case of giv  in g relief from pa  in as fast as possible.” 1 Lt. Robert T. Garrett, MD AAF Medical Corps

“We were now in the driveway  of the hospital. The scene could have been lifted from the Atlanta hospital scene in “Gone with the W  in d”. The hospital was already filled and the overflow was ly in g all over the hallways and lawn. The horseshoe driveway was filled bumper to bumper with trucks and ambulances, all filled with the dead and wounded. The small new hospital had just opened and had neither equipment, doctors, or nurses to handle this flood. Little, if anyth in g, could be done for the scores  of wounded who sat or laid quietly around. Many were airman who walked in from the field after their planes were destroyed. "We left the airman we brought in on the grass. I could not bear to look at him as I felt he was go  in g to die. " A young doctor and nurse came out  of the hospital door and shouted. “Don’t unload any more, we are full.” He was clearly frantic from the impossible task fac in g him and the small staff on duty. The planes were still pound in g the hangar and barracks area. Their mach in e guns never seemed to run out  of bullets. Fortunately, by now, most of the men had found some form  of protection. To the everlast in g credit  of the Japanese pilots, they did not bomb the hospital, which was clearly marked with a huge red cross on the ro  of. If they had, it would have been a terrible slaughter, s in ce all the wounded and many rescuers were congregated  in and around it. "From somewhere, the young Capta in (Doctor) produced a p  in t  of whiskey and with shaky hands wrung  of f the cap. He took a gulp  in g dr  in k then handed it to the young Army Nurse. My thought was, “How can he dr  in k that stuff straight out  of the bottle and before breakfast?!” "The nurse followed suit. While I felt this was not womanly, I felt no less respect for her at the time. "A medical sergeant came runn in g out  of the hospital door shout  in g “Take them to Tripler, Take them to Tripler.” Tripler General Hospital was  in Honolulu and was the largest military hospital  in the islands. The lead trucks and ambulances  in the driveway started pull  in g out. About four vehicles back, the l  in e stopped. An ambulance was not mov  in g. The doctor and I ran up to urge him to go on and get the l  in e mov  in g. The doctor stuck his head  in the door. The red-headed young driver had his head in his arms rest  in g on the steer  in g wheel. The doctor grabbed him by the hair and pulled his hair up. No wonder he didn’t pull out. His face looked like raw hamburger. Blood covered his khaki shirt to his waist. One look and the doctor ordered two nearby men to pull the driver in with the wounded he had brought  in the ambulance. He did not say a word or make any expression. I believe he was in shock. The driver lay limp on top of the others  in his own ambulance without the benefit  of a stretcher”. William F. Rudder, Sr.

“I was put on a detail which was to pick up bodies and load them on a truck and deliver them to the Base Hospital grounds. The sight of those bodies on the green grass, aga  in st the backdrop  of the new white hospital build  in g, presented an awesome sight. The realization that these were recently live human be in gs made me wonder what this tragic result was go  in g to do to the parents and love ones at home”. Russell J. Tener

“ I saw a B- 1 7 com  in g  in to land with gear down and a Japanese fighter on his tail shoot  in g at him. The B- 1 7 was try  in g to out run the fighter and was go  in g too fast to land so he pulled up and went around for another approach with the fighter stay  in g on his tail fir  in g a burst whenever  in position to do so. The B- 1 7 landed hot and as it was braked to a stop a bust from the fighter set it afire just ahead  of the vertical stabilizer. The crew ran from the plane as it burned in two and sagged  in the middle. Shortly thereafter the Japanese planes completed the first part of the raid and left Hickam was left with burn  in g aircraft and smok  in g build  in gs.” Lee E. Metcalfe

“ A flight of B-  1 7’s was land  in g dur  in g the raid, as one  of them rolled down the runway. The Japs strafed it and the rear of the plane caught fire. It came to a stop almost in front  of the control tower, with its complete tail section miss  in g, aft the waist  in the nose high attitude.” Joseph M. Leukuma Mechanic 1 9th Transport Squadron

“…a young medical of ficer who had arrived with the B-  1 7 bombers from the States dur  in g the raid. When I first noticed him he was sitt in g on the stairs to the second story  of the hospital. I suppose the reason that my attention was called to him was that he was dressed in a w  in ter uniform which we never wore  in the Islands, and had the  in signia  of a medical  of ficer on his lapels. He had a wound in the face and when I went to take care  of him he said he was all right and po  in ted to the casualties on the litters on the floor and said, “ take care  of them”. I told him I would get him on the next ambulance go in g to Tripler General Hospital, which I did. The next day I heard that he had died after arriv in g at Tripler.” "The five hundred pound bomb which landed on the hospital lawn appeared to be one of a cha  in dropped from altitude and apparently meant for a ball diamond a short distance away. I have heard that the reason that the ball diamond was bombed was that the orig  in al plans for Hickam Field called for the underground gasol  in e storage be  in g located under it and the Japanese had this plan. Major Frank H. Lane, Commander Hickam Field Hospital 7 December  1 94  1

“ Down everybody, ….somebody said “ there went headquarters, we could hear the bombs fall in g  of f  in the distance. The bomb that fell just prior to the one hitt in g headquarters made a huge crater. A few weeks later they planted a tree. A little sprig in the crater, but the hole was there. I went back 25 years later, and it would take 6 people to put their arms around that tree. It was a huge banyan tree, and that tree is there to this day.” 2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps

“ I then got in to my car, a new  1 94  1 Plymouth and drove down to the hangers to see what I could do. Our hanger was # 1 7 and was next to the Hawaiian Air Depot, it had been hit by bombs and was a mess. A plane that was parked in front  of our hanger had taken a direct hit and was on fire”. Wallace S. Mart in Jr. Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron Liv in g at the corner  of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field

“I ran to war d a burn  in g Ford sedan near the “snake ranch” another name for the “  War College”. I had noticed it from the back of our truck on the way to the hospital. The upholstery had burned out and the pa in t was peel  in g from the drivers’ side door. The burn in g smell  of flesh should have told me I could not help the men  in side. The passenger was bent over for war d. His clothes were burned of f and his sk  in in a condition I shall not attempt to describe here. The driver will leave a picture in my m  in e forever. The car had been strafed and set afire. The driver was sitt in g beh  in d the steer  in g wheel still clutch  in g a Thompson mach  in e gun. His face was burned horribly and burned black sk in outl  in ed his facial bones. At my feet was a section of his skull and black hair. The wood stock of his gun was burned almost  of f and was still burn  in g. If a report had to be made it would simply be :“Two soldiers in a black Ford Sedan, one had black hair, both burned beyond recognition”. William F. Rudder, Sr.

“Due to the condition of the barracks and because  of the still persistent rumors  of “  in vad  in g Jap troops”, many  of us were told to billet elsewhere. A group of us were quartered that night  in the elementary school on the back  of Hickam Field overlook  in g the Pearl Harbor channel. At this po in t my m  in d becomes hazy as to why we were sent there. Be in g a private, I was not privy to what the top enlisted ranks had been  in structed to do. Perhaps it was to act as observers for enemy activity which would have come in that direction because it faced the direction  of Barbers Po  in t, the rumored land  in g area. "A few hours after darkness had set in and,  of course, blackout conditions prevailed, one could easily see the tracers from random mach  in e gun fire which was occurr  in g by trigger-happy gunners. Then, suddenly, the land  in g lights  of aircraft fly  in g  in from sea lit up the dark sky. Immediately there was a barrage  of fir  in g mak  in g tracers clearly evident as they sped to  war d the planes. Somehow I knew that the planes were friendly; why I did so, I can’t expla  in, except that I felt all along that someone had been able to take  of f from one  of our airfields after the sneak attack ended. The direction of the  in tended land  in g was to  war d Pearl Harbor and this made me realize that they must be Navy planes. There was much excitable shout in g from all around by those  of us who somehow knew that these were friendly aircraft, but there was no hope  of stopp  in g the emotionally charged trigger-happy gunners who could have been fir  in g from all po  in ts  of the island. Suddenly, there was one terrific explosion after another, until all three aircraft fell in balls  of flames which lit up the dark night. I assumed that the planes were Navy PBY’s but I never got the opportunity to verify this; however, we did learn that they were, in fact, U.S. Navy planes. "The aforementioned rumored enemy troop land in g never did take place, I’m happy to say, thus prov  in g it was just that – rumor! Russell J. Tener

“When the fir in g subsided, we surfaced and spent the rest  of the night outside the build  in g listen  in g to  in termittent gun fire; everyone seemed to be trigger-happy. Reports were com in g over the teletype and radios that the Japanese were land  in g all over Oahu and that paratroopers were dropped at Hickam. The idea of paratroopers com  in g kept us all  in a state  of anxiety for the rest  of the night. We later found out that the planes were Navy planes from the Enterprise and that some were shot down. "As I look back to the events of that day. I know that I didn’t perform any heroics; however, every one  of the 324th Signal Company performed the duties for which they were tra  in ed without question, and I am proud to have been a part  of that organization. As a member  of the Pearl Harbor Survivors Association, I am  of ten asked what ship I was on. When I reply that I wasn’t on a ship but was stationed at Hickam Field, I am usually asked, where is Hickam Field?” "The Japanese certa  in ly knew”. Thomas J. Pillion Private 324th Signal Company Hickam Field

“After the attack, we went to the Squadron Headquarters where we were told to dig trenches near our quarters, black out our quarters with blankets, give a password and told to shoot if necessary. Shoot in g seemed to go on all night. "I was called to Headquarters dur in g the night, perhaps because I had at one time held a commission  in the  In fantry Reserve. Rumors were fly  in g. They had reports  of paratroops be  in g dropped, for which I was queried? I advised “impossible” a plane carry  in g paratroops could not take  of f from a carrier”. Wallace S. Mart  in Jr. Pilot with the  1 9th Transport Squadron Liv  in g at the corner  of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field

“The base was really a lot of confusion. Japanese planes were s war m  in g everywhere. There was so much noise. The noise was terrible. I wouldn’t want to ever experience that aga in. "When we got in to the mounta  in s we saw lots  of other families from the base up there.  In the home where we stayed there were 25 people. "There  in the mounta  in s we could hear the  bombing very clearly. At night we could see the fires from build in gs, planes and ships on fire. "We weren’t too far, about 1 0 miles from the base. There was a radio up there and we kept the radio on to hear news about the base and  in structions as to what to do. All  of us had a big pot  of stew for supper, they made room for everybody. "The very next day after gett  in g  in to the mounta  in s, some had gone back to their homes on base to get diapers and cloth  in g for their children. I wanted to do the same. So we returned. When we got to the front gate of the base, I told them that I wanted to get some th  in gs from the house for the children. We lived two miles from the gate. We were told that we could have only 1 5 m  in utes before we had to be back  of f the base. When I got back to our house, my husband was in the bathroom shav  in g. He had gotten better, so had returned to the base. He helped me gather some th in gs for the children, clothes, toys etc. and I picked up some mementos and returned to the mounta  in s.” Jessie Reed Seyle Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed

“ Some days later Lt. Turner and I visited the morgue to try and identify the squadron dead. The dead were in pla  in wooden boxes, naked; many with no obvious wounds. This would support the belief that some were killed by concussion. I kept th in k  in g that most appeared much younger than thirty-two years. As I walked among the dead, the thought occurred to me, that perhaps in view  of the expected  in vasion, they were better  of f than those  of us who survived the  in itial attack.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.

· // As men were mobilized for war, women’s roles on the home front expanded greatly(evaluate how production in both conflicts depended on women’s labor and support) // · // Using blockades and the denying supplies of food as weapons was practiced by all sides. (examine the blockades or WWI with the mass starvation of WWII in Leningrad) // · //Maintaining the war effort through propaganda was common and very important for morale.( compare the types of propaganda in both world conflicts)// This section of the site comprises the wartime diaries of Thomas Fredrick Littler. //The introduction below was penned by Fred's descendent, Chris Littler.//
 * T otal War **-Both World Wars engulfed the civilian populations of the opposing sides. Civilians supported the wars through factory production and agriculture. Civilians were targeted by all sides as the wars progressed, and civilian opinion was critical to the continued war efforts.
 * Critical Points-** [[image:93605230 width="95" height="83" caption="parakrat.jpg"]] [[image:93605960 width="80" height="102" caption="4_different_world_war_1_pictures.jpg"]] [[image:93881996 width="119" height="90" caption="solidersww1.jpg"]] [[image:93882370 width="119" height="92" caption="airplane-on-carrier.gif"]]

//Introduction by Chris Littler//
//Fred Littler joined the Cheshire Regiment shortly after his 17th birthday in 1914. He trained in Aberystwyth, Cambridge, Northampton and Norwich, before beginning work at Siddley Deasy in Coventry.// //He signed for Foreign Service on his 18th birthday, and, after further training, left England for Rouen in March 1916. His diary describes his experience of battle in Northern France for 11 months from April 1916, where he sustained a leg injury, which eventually led to his return to England to convalesce.//

//In England he met his future wife and joined the Royal Engineers with whom he returned to France in April 1918 until the end of the war. He reports many casualties around him on the front line and in support positions, and himself survived// //Spanish Flu////, a major killer, towards the end of the war.//

· // Racial and religious prejudice reached new heights in this period. Genocide became a “final solution” for several regimes during the Second World War. (Examine how the Armenians in Turkey were treated during WW I versus how the Jews were treated in WWII) // · // Internal opposition was not tolerated during the First and Second World Wars. (How did America treat people of German descent during WWI and Japanese during WWII) // **//The Diary of a Young Girl// by Anne Frank** One of the most famous accounts of the Holocaust is told by a teenage Jewish girl who from1942 to 1944, with her family, hid from the Gestapo in a tiny attic in Amsterdam. Young Anne wrote regularly in her diary and, despite impending doom, continued to believe in human goodness and to express hope that one day she might live in a world without hate. On August 4, 1944, her family and friends were captured and sent to Auschwitz. Anne died in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, probably of typhus, several weeks prior to the camp's liberation. The book is recommended for junior high school and high school students.
 * G enocide -** World Wars also allowed countries to propose and act upon solutions for portions of their populations that they could characterize as undesirable. From forced internal exile or relocations, mass executions and even extermination camps the First and Second World Wars changed how unwanted populations were treated.
 * Critical Points- [[image:94130406 width="71" height="59" caption="genocide.jpg"]] [[image:94130572 width="76" height="57" caption="genocide_worldwar1.jpg"]] [[image:94131060 width="61" height="51" caption="armenian_genocide.jpg"]] [[image:94131176 width="96" height="65" caption="Geno3.jpg"]]**

Saturday, July 15, 1944 It's difficult in times like these: ideals, dreams and cherished hopes rise within us, only to be crushed by grim reality. It's a wonder I haven't abandoned all my ideals, they seem so absurd and impractical. Yet I cling to them because I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are truly good at heart. It's utterly impossible for me to build my life on a foundation of chaos, suffering and death. I see the world being slowly transformed into a wilderness, I hear the approaching thunder that, one day, will destroy us too, I feel the suffering of millions. And yet, when I look up at the sky, I somehow feel that everything will change for the better, that this cruelty too shall end, that peace and tranquility will return once more. In the meantime, I must hold on to my ideals. Perhaps the day will come when I'll be able to realize them!

**MUNICH** AFTER the War production had begun again and it was thought that better times were coming, Frederick the Great after the Seven Years War had, as the result of superhuman efforts, left Prussia without a penny of debt: at the end of the World War Germany was burdened with her own debt of some 7 or 8 milliards of marks and beyond that was faced with the debts of 'the rest of the world' - the so-called 'reparations.' The product of Germany's work thus belonged not to the nation, but to her foreign creditors: 'it was carried endlessly in trains for territorities beyond our frontiers.' Every worker had to support another worker, the product of whose labor was commandeered by the foreigner. 'The German people after twenty-five or thirty years, in consequence of the fact that it will never be able to pay all that is demanded of it, will have so gigantic a sum still owing that practically it will be forced to produce more than it does today.' What will the end be? and the answer to that question is 'Pledging of our land, enslavement of our labor-strength. Therefore, in the economic sphere, November 1918 was in truth no achievement, but it was the beginning of our collapse.' And in the political sphere we lost first our military prerogatives, and with that loss went the real sovereignty of our State, and then our financial independence, for there remained always the Reparations Commission so that 'practically we have no longer a politically independent German Reich, we are already a colony of the outside world. We have contributed to this because so far as possible we humiliated ourselves morally, we positively destroyed our own honor and helped to befoul, to besmirch, and to deny everything which we previously held as sacred.' If it be objected that the Revolution has won for us gains in social life: they must be extraordinarily secret, these social gains - so secret that one never sees them in practical life - they must just run like a fluid through our German atmosphere. Some one may say 'Well, there is the eight-hour day!' And was a collapse necessary to gain that? And will the eight-hour day be rendered any more secure through our becoming practically the bailiff and the drudge of the other peoples? One of these days France will say: You cannot meet your obligations, you must work more. So this achievement of the Revolution is put in question first of all by the Revolution. Then some one has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The people governs!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No! Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question: there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people, we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us. Then it was said, 'Freedom has come to us through the Revolution.' Another of those things that one cannot see very easily! It is of course true that one can walk down the street, the individual can go into his workshop and he can go out again: here and there he can go to a meeting. In a word, the individual has liberties. But in general, if he is wise, he will keep his mouth shut. For if in former times extraordinary care was taken that no one should let slip anything which could be treated as lèse-majesté, now a man must take much greater care that he doesn't say anything which might represent an insult to the majesty of a member of Parliament. And if we ask who was responsible for our misfortune, then we must inquire who profited by our collapse. And the answer to that question is that 'Banks and Stock Exchanges are more flourishing than ever before.' We were told that capitalism would be destroyed, and when we ventured to remind one or other of these famous statesmen and said 'Don't forget hat Jews too have capital,' then the answer was: 'What are you worrying about? Capitalism as a whole will now be destroyed, the whole people will now be free. We are not fighting Jewish or Christian capitalism, we are fighting very capitalism: we are making the people completely free.' Christian capitalism' is already as good as destroyed, the international Jewish Stock Exchange capital gains in proportion as the other loses ground. It is only the international Stock Exchange and loan-capital, the so-called 'supra-state capital,' which has profited from the collapse of our economic life, the capital which receives its character from the single supra-state nation which is itself national to the core, which fancies itself to be above all other nations, which places itself above other nations and which already rules over them. The international Stock Exchange capital would be unthinkable, it would never have come, without its founders the supra-national, because intensely national, Jews.... The Jew has not grown poorer: he gradually gets bloated, and, if you don't believe me, I would ask you to go to one of our health-resorts; there you will find two sorts of visitors: the German who goes there, perhaps for the first time for a long while, to breathe a little fresh air and to recover his health, and the Jew who goes there to lose his fat. And if you go out to our mountains, whom do you find there in fine brand-new yellow boots with splendid rucksacks in which there is generally nothing that would really be of any use? And why are they there? They go up to the hotel, usually no further than the train can take them: where the train stops, they stop too. And then they sit about somewhere within a mile from the hotel, like blow-flies round a corpse. These are not, you may be sure, our working classes: neither those working with the mind, nor with the body. With their worn clothes they leave the hotel on one side and go on climbing: they would not feel comfortable coming into this perfumed atmosphere in suits which date from 1913 or 1914. No, assuredly the Jew has suffered no privations! . . . While now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200 Soviet Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure, lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the millions whom once you thought you must fight as 'bourgeois.' The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they do not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the 'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they have all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated the purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got the treasures which before only the 'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot feed oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives millions in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the Jews: so everything, everything that the common man thought that he was winning for himself, flows back again to his seducers. And now, my dear fellow-countrymen, do you believe that these men, who with us are going the same way, will end the Revolution? They do not wish the end of the Revolution, for they do not need it. For them the Revolution is milk and honey. And further they cannot end the Revolution. For if one or another amongst the leaders were really not seducer but seduced, and today, driven by the inner voice of horror at his crime, were to step before the masses and make his declaration: 'We have all deceived ourselves: we believed that we could lead you out of misery, but we have in fact led you into a misery which your children and your children's children must still bear' - he cannot say that, he dare not say that, he would on the public square or in the public meeting be torn in pieces. But amongst the masses there begins to flow a new stream - a stream of opposition. It is the recognition of the facts which is already in pursuit of this system, it already is hunting the system down; it will one day scourge the masses into action and carry the masses along with it. And these leaders, they see that behind them the anti-Semitic wave grows and grows; and when the masses once recognize the facts, that is the end of these leaders. And thus the Left is forced more and more to turn to Bolshevism. In Bolshevism they see today the sole, the last possibility of preserving the present state of affairs. They realize quite accurately that the people is beaten so long as Brain and Hand can be kept apart. For alone neither Brain nor Hand can really oppose them. So long therefore as the Socialist idea is coined only by men who see in it a means for disintegrating a nation, so long can they rest in peace. But it will be a sorry day for them when this Socialist idea is grasped by a Movement which unites it with the highest Nationalist pride, with Nationalist defiance, and thus places the Nation's Brain, its intellectual workers, on this ground. Then this system will break up, and there would remain only one single means of salvation for its supporters: viz. to bring the catastrophe upon us before their own ruin, to destroy the Nation's Brain, to bring it to the scaffold - to introduce Bolshevism. So the Left neither can nor will help. On the contrary, their first lie compels them constantly to resort to new lies. There remains then the Right. And this party of the Right meant well, but it cannot do what it would because up to the present time it has failed to recognize a whole series of elementary principles. In the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger. These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic existence. They have never grasped the fact that this decision threatens their heads. They have never yet understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model, to the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will secure the scaffold for you. In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would like to - but they can never decide on any great deed, because they fail to realize the greatness of the whole period. And then there is another fundamental error: they have never got it clear in their own minds that there is a difference or how great a difference there is between the conception 'National' and the word 'dynastic' or 'monarchistic.' They do not understand that today it is more than ever necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid anything which might perhaps cause the individual to think that the National Idea was identical with petty everyday political views. They ought day by day to din into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the petty differences and to bring out into the light the big things, the things we have in common which bind us to one another. That should weld and fuse together those who have still a German heart and a love for their people in the fight against the common hereditary foe of all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State, friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form of a State results from the essential character of a people, results from necessities which are so elementary and powerful that in time every individual will realize them without any disputation when once all Germany is united and free.' And finally they all fail to understand that we must on principle free ourselves from any class standpoint. It is of course very easy to call out to those on the Left, 'You must not be proletarians, leave your class-madness,' while you yourselves continue to call yourself 'bourgeois.' They should learn that in a single State there is only one supreme citizen - right, one supreme citizen - honor, and that is the right and the honor of honest work. They should further learn that the social idea must be the essential foundation for any State, otherwise no State can permanently endure. Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength. It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness press through the ideas which it has recognized to be right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people. That the so-called enlightened absolutism of a Frederick the Great was possible depended solely on the fact that, though this man could undoubtedly have decided 'arbitrarily' the destiny - for good or ill - of his so-called 'subjects,' he did not do so, but made his decisions influenced and supported by one thought alone, the welfare of his Prussian people. It was this fact only that led the people to tolerate willingly, nay joyfully, the dictatorship of the great king. AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN THAT DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT GERMAN: IT IS JEWISH. It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership. The Right does not understand that directly every small question of profit or loss is regularly put before so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of lying' - the Jew. And finally it has been forgotten that the condition which must precede every act is the will and the courage to speak the truth - and that we do not see today either in the Right or in the Left. There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction - to Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power - that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago. Here, too, there can be no compromise - there are only two possibilities: either victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew. It is from the recognition of this fact, from recognizing it, I would say, in utter, dead earnestness, that there resulted the formation of our Movement. There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity. And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness: 1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it. 2. And then we said to ourselves: THERE ARE NO SUCH THINGS AS CLASSES: THEY CANNOT BE. Class means caste and caste means race. If there are castes in India, well and good; there it is possible, for there there were formerly Aryans and dark aborigines. So it was in Egypt and in Rome. But with us in Germany where everyone who is a German at all has the same blood, has the same eyes, and speaks the same language, here there can be no class, here there can be only a single people and beyond that nothing else. Certainly we recognize, just as anyone must recognize, that there are different 'occupations' and 'professions' [Stände]-there is the Stand of the watchmakers, the Stand of the common laborers, the Stand of the painters or technicians, the Stand of the engineers, officials, etc. Stände there can be. But in the struggles which these Stände have amongst themselves for the equalization of their economic conditions, the conflict and the division must never be so great as to sunder the ties of race. And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference between the honest creators and those who do nothing at all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which lies in the performance of the conscientious work of the individual. Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same time the great factor which separates one man from another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators - it matters not whether they are brain workers or workers with the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the German people! We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that activity which not only profits the individual but in no way harms the community, nay rather which contributes to form the community. 3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE WHICH SPRINGS FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that each race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows externally certain specific tendencies, and these tendencies can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the foundation for the maintenance of the community of people amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the means to the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a productive creator without the great aim of becoming the master. He works unproductively using and enjoying other people's work. And thus we understand the iron sentence which Mommsen once uttered: 'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,' that means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because he completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside the point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself he carries those characteristics which Nature has given him, and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics. And to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people. 4. And fourthly WE WERE FURTHER PERSUADED THAT ECONOMIC PROSPERITY IS INSEPARABLE FROM POLITICAL FREEDOM AND THAT THEREFORE THAT HOUSE OF LIES, 'INTERNATIONALISM,' MUST IMMEDIATELY COLLAPSE. We recognized that freedom can eternally be only a consequence of power and that the source of power is the will. Consequently the will to power must be strengthened in a people with passionate ardor. And thus we realized fifthly that 5. WE AS NATIONAL SOCIALISTS and members of the German Workers party - a Party pledged to work - MUST BE ON PRINCIPLE THE MOST FANATICAL NATIONALISTS. We realized that the State can be for our people a paradise only if the people can hold sway therein freely as in a paradise: we realized that a slave state will never be a paradise, but only - always and for all time - a hell or a colony. 6. And then sixthly we grasped the fact that POWER IN THE LAST RESORT IS POSSIBLE ONLY WHERE THERE IS STRENGTH, and that strength lies not in the dead weight of numbers but solely in energy. Even the smallest minority can achieve a mighty result if it is inspired by the most fiery, the most pas sionate will to act. World history has always been made by minorities. And lastly 7. If one has realized a truth, that truth is valueless so long as there is lacking the indomitable will to turn this realization into action! These were the foundations of our Movement - the truths on which it was based and which demonstrated its necessity. For three years we have sought to realize these fundamental ideas. And of course a fight is and remains a fight. Stroking in very truth will not carry one far. Today the German people has been beaten by a quite other world, while in its domestic life it has lost all spirit; no longer has it any faith. But how will you give this people once more firm ground beneath its feet save by the passionate insistence on one definite, great, clear goal? Thus we were the first to declare that this peace treaty was a crime. Then folk abused us as 'agitators.' We were the first to protest against the failure to present this treaty to the people before it was signed. Again we were called 'agitators.' We were the first to summon men to resistance against being reduced to a continuing state of defenselessness. Once more we were 'agitators.' At that time we called on the masses of the people not to surrender their arms, for the surrender of one's arms would be nothing less than the beginning of enslavement. We were called, no, we were cried down as, 'agitators.' We were the first to say that this meant the loss of Upper Silesia. So it was, and still they called us 'agitators.' We declared at that time that compliance in the question of Upper Silesia MUST have as its consequence the awakening of a passionate greed which would demand the occupation of the Ruhr. We were cried down ceaselessly, again and again. And because we opposed the mad financial policy which today will lead to our collapse, what was it that we were called repeatedly once more? 'Agitators,' And today? And finally we were also the first to point the people on any large scale to a danger which insinuated itself into our midst - a danger which millions failed to realize and which will nonetheless lead us all into ruin - the Jewish danger. And today people are saying yet again that we were 'agitators.' I would like here to appeal to a greater than I, Count Lerchenfeld. He said in the last session of the Landtag that his feeling 'as a man and a Christian' prevented him from being an anti-Semite. I SAY: MY FEELING AS A CHRISTIAN POINTS ME TO MY LORD AND SAVIOUR AS A FIGHTER. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS, RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE AND SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO, GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific was His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today, after two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I have the duty to see to it that human society does not suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the civilization of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a civilization which was driven to its ruin through this same Jewish people. Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire from the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there to come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and make ourselves free! And if there is anything which could demonstrate that we are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows. For as a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And when I look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor, and at the end of the week it has only for its wage wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning and see these men standing in their queues and look into their pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a very devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by whom today this poor people is plundered and exploited. And through the distress there is no doubt that the people has been aroused. Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment. And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up passions in the people.' And then I say to myself: Passion is already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US 'AGITATORS': 'WHAT THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A FAITH TO WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?' Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own prescriptions. That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must create: for these widespread, seeking and straying masses a new Faith which will not fail them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge themselves, on which they can build so that they may at least find once again a place which may bring calm to their hearts.
 * A uthoritarianism -** As the 20th century dawned much of the population of Europe lived under the rule of kings and monarchies. The World conflicts that characterized the first half of the century shattered these regimes and brought new powerful individuals to power. These dictators allowed little or no opposition and created powerful parties or systems to keep themselves in place.
 * Critical Points- [[image:94579188 width="60" height="88" caption="hitler.jpg"]] [[image:94579386 width="67" height="119" caption="robblg.gif"]] [[image:94579518 width="109" height="76" caption="hitler_mussolini.jpg"]] [[image:94579632 width="79" height="83" caption="world_war_2_hitler_mussolini.jpg"]]**
 * // Old monarchies and territories will fall apart in the face of rising nationalism and the forces of war Democratic ideals will be pushed aside as militarism becomes more widespread // //(Compare the governments and nations at the beginning of each war)//
 * // New forceful leaders will take power and implement their totalitarian ideas of government.(look at the rise of Hitler, Mussolini, or Tojo) //
 * SPEECH OF APRIL 12, 1922**

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 Readings- The First World War